Action 2028: A path forward.
I have focused on worse case scenarios in many of my analyses of AI, Trump and more. I found that rather than being reactive – my future contributions are going to be solely focused on being proactive – pushing a viable path forward, for all of us. Im starting here with a Manifesto for democracy: Action 2028.
Action 2028 – A Roadmap for Our Democracy’s Future
Materially, we are living in an age of unprecedented abundance – low unemployment, technological marvels at our fingertips, and a GDP per capita that would astonish our ancestors. Yet psychologically and morally, many Americans feel unmoored and dissatisfied. Polls show that even with a booming job market, 51% of Americans rate the economy as “poor”. The United States just fell to its lowest-ever ranking in the World Happiness Report, sliding to 24th place despite our wealth. The report’s authors point to fraying social fabric: roughly one in four Americans ate every meal alone on a given day in 2023, an epidemic of isolation. And in the shadows of our prosperity lurk “deaths of despair” – rising rates of drug overdose, alcoholism, and suicide that reflect a deeper pain. How can it be that a people so outwardly wealthy feel inwardly so insecure?
This paradox of plenty amidst pessimism has many causes: runaway inequality, communities hollowed out by deindustrialization, and the steady erosion of shared civic life. The late sociologist Robert Putnam once described Americans “bowling alone,” and today that loneliness is literal – a quarter of us eating alone regularly. Social trust has plummeted; only 16% of Americans say they trust the federal government most of the time. Our politics, too, mirror this disorientation. Voter turnout is high, indicating passion, but eight-in-ten Americans now believe the nation is greatly divided on its core values – a record high. Many feel we are locked in a zero-sum struggle against each other, left and right, urban and rural, “real Americans” and “woke Americans,” with no common story to bind us. We are a nation adrift in a sea of plenty.
This is the soil in which Trumpism took root. It feeds on disorientation – on the aching feeling that the American Dream has lost its script and that “greatness” has slipped away.
If we are to chart a hopeful future, we must first understand both the pain and the promise of this moment.We are not “wrong” to feel something profound is missing. Many are responding to real phenomena: communities gutted by global trade shocks, a culture that often prizes consumption over connection, and leaders who too often speak at them with polished talking points rather than with them about their fears. In short, Americans are experiencing a philosophical and moral disorientation – a loss of the north star that once guided our civic life.
The task of Action 2028 is to restore that sense of direction and purpose. We must do so with empathy and honesty about why so many of our neighbors turned to a figure like Donald Trump in the first place. And we must provide an alternative path – one that speaks to moral urgency and civic renewal, and offers concrete hope to those who feel left behind. This text is a roadmap for that journey, charting how we got here and how we move forward. It blends historical insight with critique, moral clarity with inclusive vision, and yes, anger with hope. Because in the end, hope is the fuel of democratic renewal – but it must be hope with eyes wide open.
Trump’s Appeal and Betrayal: Recognizing Pain, Exploiting It
To renew America, we must directly confront the phenomenon of Donald Trump – not as a boogeyman, but as a wake-up call. Trump’s rise was not a historical accident; it was a symptom of legitimate grievances that our political establishment failed to address for too long. He was a twisted mirror of the nation’s discontent. In 2016 and again in 2024, millions who felt ignored or condescended to by elites heard in Trump’s blunt slogans something new: acknowledgement of their “forgotten” status. He spoke to factories shuttered by offshoring, towns flooded with opioids, and blue-collar pride bruised by decades of stagnant wages and broken promises. As author J.D. Vance observed (before he entered politics), Trump’s great insight was to recognize an “almost apocalyptic” apprehension about the future among patriotic working-class Americans and exploit it. He did not so much solve their pain as validate it – and direct it, like a raging bull, at whomever he chose as the villain.
And villains were plentiful in Trump’s narrative. Globalization’s complexity was reduced to “bad trade deals” and conniving foreigners. Communities struggling with crime or joblessness were told “the immigrants did this to you.”Factories closed by automation were blamed on faceless bureaucrats and environmentalists. In Trump’s worldview, “everything wrong in your life is someone else’s fault” – a tempting message to anyone scorned by change. This is where Trump veered from truth into dangerous distortion. Yes, free trade agreements did devastate certain regions – but instead of helping those communities adapt and thrive again, he peddled false hopes of turning back the clock to 1975. Yes, the opioid epidemic and crime are real – but instead of offering treatment or smart policy, he served up scapegoats and fury, demonizing entire groups of people.
Trump was not wrong to highlight how our industrial heartland was hollowed out. Towns from Ohio to Michigan saw factories relocated overseas, leaving shattered identities in their wake. Wages for non-college workers stagnated while corporate profits soared. Trump tapped into that righteous anger. But what did he actually do? He imposed haphazard tariffs via midnight tweets and then granted secret exemptions to well-connected importers. Steelworkers were told they’d be protected, even as politically favored companies got hall passes to avoid the tariffs. Internal watchdogs found the tariff exclusion process “opaque” and rife with lobbyist influence – a spoils system for the rich, not a transparent policy for the many. In short, Trump used the very real plight of working Americans as stage props, even as his signature trade war descended into cronyism and chaos. He did renegotiate NAFTA into the USMCA, a modest update, but the grand revival of manufacturing he promised never materialized beyond isolated groundbreakings and photo-ops. Meanwhile, his tax policies handed trillions to corporations and the wealthy, turbocharging inequality and leaving workers with scraps. Trump championed the working class rhetorically, then betrayed them in practice.
Trump correctly sensed many Americans feel cultural whiplash and insecurity amid rapid demographic change and porous borders. Instead of crafting a humane but firm immigration overhaul (something that both secures borders and respects our ideals as a nation of immigrants), he gave us performative cruelty. Family separations, Muslim travel bans, and endless tirades against “caravans” made for great cable news drama – but little lasting solution. Today, our immigration system remains as broken as ever, lacking the comprehensive reform (border security plus a path to citizenship plus modernized legal immigration) that a broad majority of Americans actually support. In demonizing immigrants, Trump poisoned our national discourse and claimed to speak for the “forgotten,” but his divisiveness only ensured stalemate on the very problems he highlighted.
In area after area, this pattern repeats. Trump identified real grievances – then misdirected them toward cul-de-sacs of resentment. The result is a country even angrier and more divided than before, with few actual improvements in people’s lives to show for it. The one exception might be the bipartisan First Step Act on criminal justice reform, proof that even Trump’s White House could occasionally do the right thing when pushed. But that was an outlier. Far more representative was the cynical move of repealing environmental protections, workplace safety rules, and healthcare provisions – actions that hurt the very working-class voters who cheered him, often without them even realizing it. This betrayal is something Democrats must not be shy in pointing out: for all his populist bluster, Trump delivered a bonanza for billionaires and a punch in the gut for workers. As one analysis from the Economic Policy Institute tallied, his administration’s labor policies were essentially an extended assault on workers’ rights and wages. The tragedy is that the pain and longing that Trump tapped into were (and remain) very real – but his answers were a toxic mix of lies, fearmongering, and ego.
So what do we do? First, we must not dismiss Trump’s supporters as mere dupes or deplorables. They saw a system failing them and reached for a brick to throw through its window. In 2016, Trump was that brick. We must empathize with the sense of powerlessness that leads someone to embrace an arsonist as their firefighter. Second, we must reclaim the issues Trump pretended to own. Trade policy that truly benefits American workers, an immigration system that is orderly and just, a government that prioritizes its citizens’ well-being over multinational corporate profits – these are not inherently “Trumpist” ideas; they are American ideas, and progressives can champion them without the xenophobic baggage.
Finally, we must expose the emptiness of Trump’s vision for the future. After eight years of cultural warfare and economic nationalism, what is Trump offering for 2028 and beyond? There is no coherent plan – only the promise of “retribution” and personal vengeance. He literally proclaimed “I am your retribution” at a Conservative Political Action Conference, as if the highest aspiration of American politics is settling Donald Trump’s grudges. This is a dead-end for the country. Action 2028 must paint a picture of national renewal so compelling and concrete that it makes the politics of resentment obsolete. To do that, however, we also have to tackle the new forces on the horizon – forces like artificial intelligence – which Trumpism is utterly unequipped to handle responsibly.
The Perfect Storm: Why Trumpism and AI Are a Toxic Mix
One of the great inflection points we face in the next decade is the rise of advanced artificial intelligence. AI is not some distant sci-fi concept; it is here, and it will transform how we work, learn, and govern. It could amplify human prosperity – or entrench tyranny. It could help us solve crises from climate to disease – or enable an Orwellian surveillance state. In competent hands, AI is a tool; in the wrong hands, it’s a weapon. This is why it is so alarming to consider an unleashed AI revolution under a leader like Trump, who has shown a penchant for chaos, authoritarian impulses, and disregard for expertise.
Trump has already given us a preview of how he approaches technology and governance – essentially as a personal sandbox. Mere days into his return to power, he repealed the previous administration’s AI safety guidelines with a stroke of a pen, shrugging off the careful work done to ensure AI develops ethically. Why? Because anything with President Biden’s name on it had to go, and because regulating tech clashed with Trump’s instinct for deregulation-as-theater. The move drew sharp rebuke from nonpartisan experts. Alondra Nelson of the Center for American Progress blasted the repeal as “creating chaos for those developing and deploying the most impactful technologies of our time” and “nothing short of payback to Silicon Valley billionaires”. In other words, Trump scrapped sensible AI safeguards not out of any vision for innovation, but seemingly to please a few ultra-wealthy cronies and to spite predecessors. He has made it clear that he views the federal government as a toy train set – something to rewire on a whim and give his friends a ride.
Now Trump has even created a bizarre new entity, the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (or tellingly, “DOGE”), co-led by tech mogul Elon Musk. The name itself sounds like a joke – DOGE, like the meme cryptocurrency – but it’s very real. This department was established with the ostensible goal of streamlining government, but in practice it places unprecedented technological power in the hands of an unelected billionaire ally. Imagine entrusting the development of critical AI systems – which could manage everything from smart infrastructure to military drones – to a team chosen for loyalty, not expertise. Under Trump, the guardrails are off. The risk of AI being used to erode democracy (through mass disinformation, automated targeting of political opponents, or invasive surveillance) is extreme when the person at the wheel has openly admired autocrats and suggested we “terminate” parts of the Constitution that inconvenience him.
AI needs to be treated as a tool to empower citizens, not suppress them. In our vision, America leads in setting global rules of the road for AI: ensuring transparency, fairness, and accountability for any algorithms used in policing, hiring, or public decision-making. We will invest in AI research that aligns with democratic values – for example, using AI to enhance election security by detecting cyber threats, not to undermine elections with deepfake propaganda. And we will convene an alliance of democracies to craft an international AI Bill of Rights, so that fundamental freedoms are preserved even as this technology advances. But none of this can happen if our president views AI through the lens of ego and control. Unfortunately, Trump’s track record gives us every reason to believe he sees cutting-edge tech as just another arena for his power plays.AI will shape the world our children inherit.
Used wisely, it could help personalize education, revolutionize medicine, and free humans from drudgery. Used recklessly, it could destroy jobs overnight, turbocharge inequality, and give Big Brother new tools to watch and manipulate us. The stakes are enormous. We cannot afford leadership that “doesn’t believe in clear rules of the road” for AI, as Nelson noted about Trump’s attitude. We have already watched social media – a comparatively simpler tech – sow chaos in our democracy when left unregulated. With AI, the positive and negative potentials are even greater. That’s why Action 2028’s platform will call for an AI Stewardship Council, bringing together ethicists, engineers, citizen groups, and yes, businesses, to ensure AI development serves the public good. We will restore the safeguards Trump tore down, and push new legislation that balances innovation with protection of privacy, civil rights, and jobs.
Donald Trump is simply not equipped – morally or temperamentally – to steward such a transformation. This is a man who often can’t be bothered to read briefing papers longer than a page, yet AI governance demands depth and nuance. This is a leader who, when asked about complex issues, defaults to conspiratorial gut instinct over data. Handing him the keys to the AI future would be like handing a toddler a laser gun. Except it’s not just his house that might burn down – it’s our democracy.
So when we chart the future beyond Trumpism, it’s not only about healing divisions and improving lives (as critical as those are); it’s about ensuring the tools of tomorrow are guided by leaders with wisdom and humility. Action 2028 offers that guiding hand, in partnership with the American people. We will not banish AI (the genie is out of the bottle), but we will make sure it operates under democratic oversight, not the impulses of a single demagogue.
Trade and Tariffs: Fairness Over Fury
No issue better illustrates the contrast between Trump’s approach and what America actually needs than trade. For decades, working Americans saw factories close and jobs shipped overseas, while leaders of both parties too often offered platitudes about “free trade” and “the knowledge economy” in response. By 2016, frustration boiled over – and Trump rode that wave, promising to rip up trade deals and slap tariffs on countries “ripping us off.” There was justice in the impulse: our trade policies had failed many communities, and a course correction was overdue. Even progressive economists started to agree that some industries needed targeted protection and that China’s abuses of the trading system had to be addressed. The problem was never the goal of more balanced trade – the problem was Trump’s method.
Trump approached tariffs like a blunt instrument, wielding them as much for political theater as for strategic impact. He’d announce tariffs by tweet, relish the stock market’s reaction as proof of his “toughness,” and then quietly exempt buddies or backtrack when elections neared. Remember when he threatened a 10% blanket tariff on all imports (yes, even from allies) during the 2024 campaign? Or the time he dangled a 25% tariff on Mexican goods to strong-arm Mexico on unrelated immigration issues? Such capricious moves rattled businesses and allies alike, with little plan for the long-term. Tariffs can be a valid tool to protect jobs or gain leverage – but not when deployed arbitrarily or as personal punishment.
What we need, and what 2028 what we have to fight for is trade justice done transparently and fairly. That means if we impose tariffs to shield key industries (say, steel or solar panels essential for our infrastructure and security), we do it in a way that’s open, rules-based, and time-limited. No more secret carve-outs for the well-connected while small businesses suffer. (Under Trump, internal audits found the tariff exclusion process was “neither transparent nor objective,” as wealthy corporations with lobbyists got favorable treatment.) Instead, we’ll implement a clear system: if a foreign country is dumping products or exploiting workers, we take action – but decisions will be made by experts at the U.S. Trade Representative’s office in broad daylight, with published criteria, and subject to review. In short, we believe in targeted tariffs with targeted purposes, not trade temper tantrums.
Steelworkers in the Midwest deserve a government that will stand up against unfair competition from, say, Chinese state-subsidized steel. A smart policy might be a tariff on imported steel coupled with investment in modernizing U.S. steel mills (to make them more efficient and green). Trump’s policy was to impose tariffs on almost all foreign steel, anger our allies like Canada (who weren’t the problem), and then grant hundreds of exemptions behind closed doors. A new study and multiple watchdog reports concluded this process turned into a grift: a revolving door of lobbyists and ex-officials helped big firms snag exemptions through political pressure and campaign donations. This is the opposite of what working-class champions would do. Action 2028 will ensure trade policy is made for the many, not the few – and that means no more backroom deals. Every American business, small or large, will know the rules and have equal opportunity to seek relief if truly harmed by trade abuses.
We must reclaim the narrative on trade. Being for fair trade does not make you anti-business or anti-growth; it makes you pro-worker and pro-community. Democrats and progressives should proudly say: we stand for reciprocity in trade. If other nations want access to our great market, fine – but they must play by the rules (respecting intellectual property, allowing labor rights, not manipulating currencies). These were principles Trump paid lip service to but rarely followed through on effectively. We won’t cede the issue of China’s predatory trade behavior to demagogues; we will confront it in a smart, coalition-based way. That means working with Europe and others to pressure China at the WTO and through coordinated tariffs if needed – not going it alone in a way that ends up hurting our own farmers and consumers as collateral damage.
Fair trade also means trade that benefits the American people broadly, not just corporations. Under Action 2028’s vision, any cost from tariffs or new trade deals will be offset by policies that help those affected. For example, if we renegotiate a supply chain to bring manufacturing back home (creating jobs but perhaps raising certain prices), we’ll expand the earned income tax credit or provide tax rebates to low-income families to cushion them. We won’t pretend there are no costs – we’ll distribute them fairly, unlike Trump who effectively raised taxes on American consumers via tariffs without any relief and then cut taxes mostly for the rich.
We have to commit to a trade policy guided by two words: Transparency and Balance. Transparency so that the American people know what’s being done and for whom; balance so that we neither bow naively to “free trade” dogma nor lurch into protectionism for its own sake. It is a tough balance to strike, but America has done it before – think of the post-WWII era when we opened markets but also invested heavily at home and enforced antitrust to keep corporations from offshoring too much. We can do it again, with 21st-century challenges in mind. And when we do, no charlatan will ever again be able to ride economic frustration into power by saying “only I can fix it.” The people will see that we fixed it together, through sensible policy and unity.
A New American Majority: Beyond Identity, Toward Citizenship
One of the core principles of Action 2028 is that we seek to unite an American majority for bold change – a majority that transcends the old divides of left/right, and the recent obsession with slicing and dicing our population into demographic silos. We are proud of America’s diversity; we rejoice in the advancement of rights for all groups. But we also recognize a hard truth of recent years: the Democratic and progressive movement sometimes became too narrowly focused on “identity” at the expense of broad common purpose. In doing so, we ceded ground to Trumpism, which weaponized the perception of “special interests” versus “ordinary Americans.” To win the future, we must reclaim the mantle of the common good and shared citizenship.
As scholar Mark Lilla argued in his book The Once and Future Liberal, progressives spent too much time after the 1980s “lost in the thicket of identity politics,” developing a “resentful, disuniting rhetoric of difference”. The result was that many Americans no longer heard a vision of America from us – they heard a myriad of visions of sub-groups, with no unifying story. Todd Gitlin, a 60s civil rights activist, warned back in 1995 that fixating solely on our differences was “an American tragedy”, noting that majorities are needed to protect the rights of minorities. He urged building “cultural, social, and political bridges” – advice we would do well to heed now.
We must stand for a majoritarian ethic – a belief that we can speak to Americans as Americans, even as we address specific injustices. We don’t have to choose between justice and unity. The Civil Rights Movement succeeded because it appealed to the constitutional principles that all Americans hold, not only the interests of Black Americans. We too must appeal to shared principles: justice for all, equality of opportunity, and the dignity of every person. The rhetoric of “us vs. them” – whether it comes from the right or the left – must give way to a rhetoric of we. As Lilla provocatively put it, we should dust off the concept of citizenship as our rallying identity. Every American, regardless of race or background, is a citizen (either by birth or by choice through naturalization) – a member of a common enterprise. That comes with reciprocal duties and rights. It means we owe something to each other and to our country, and our country owes something to us (fair treatment, protection, opportunity).
What does this look like in practice? It means refocusing our message on broad themes that unite working and middle-class Americans of all colors. For example:
Instead of tailoring economic messages separately to, say, “Latino entrepreneurs” or “Black neighborhoods” or “white working class,” Action 2028 says: every person who wants to work should earn a living wage sufficient to raise a family. That’s a universal goal. We acknowledge that some communities face extra barriers (and we will address those with targeted programs), but we frame it as part of a big picture: all of us deserve economic security.
Again, we don’t segment by group; we assert health care is a right for all and quality education is a promise to every child. When we fight maternal mortality (which is disproportionately high for Black women), we do so by saying no mother in America should die from childbirth in the 21st century, then focus resources where the problem is worst. When we tackle student debt, we say young people across this country – from the inner city to rural farm towns – are crushed by debt, and we’re going to relieve it and invest in affordable college and trade schools for all.
We pledge to root out corruption and special interests, not to help one faction or another, but because all Americans benefit from honest government. Scandals like officials trading stocks on insider info, or lawmakers beholden to lobbyists – these anger a Trump supporter in Ohio and a progressive in California alike. Clean government is a common rallying point.
None of this is to paper over differences or pretend racism and other specific bigotries don’t exist. It is to strategically build a coalition that is strong enough to actually govern and pass reforms – a coalition built on shared economic aspirations and democratic values. Once in power, such a coalition can and will address specific inequities (indeed it must). But it will have the mandate of a broad cross-section of Americans behind it, which makes all the difference. President Biden gave us a taste of this approach with his “Invest in America” agenda – stressing blue-collar jobs and unity – and we can see it resonating beyond the usual base.
A practical example: infrastructure investment. Rather than talk about it as a wonky policy, we frame it as a patriotic project akin to the interstate highways or the moon landing – something everyone will benefit from and can take pride in. We enlist communities in deciding local projects (bridges, broadband, water systems). We ensure the jobs go to local workers as much as possible. And we emphasize how this improves daily life for all Americans – shorter commutes, safer roads, cleaner water, more jobs. It’s not a “Democratic” or “Republican” thing; it’s an American thing.
Another example: civic education and voting rights. Instead of couching it narrowly (e.g., fighting voter ID laws that disenfranchise certain groups), we talk about the right of every American, Republican or Democrat, black or white, urban or rural, to have their vote counted. We champion easy voting access, yes, because it’s especially fair for minorities and youth, but also because veterans fought for our democracy and we honor them by expanding democracy. We encourage civic learning in schools not just to tick a box for one group’s history, but to enrich all students with the knowledge of each other’s histories and our shared heritage.
By broadening our appeal and language, we rob Trumpism of its favorite weapon: the claim that someone else is getting special treatment while you’re being left behind. In truth, Trump’s years saw the rich get the truly special treatment (tax cuts, loopholes) while regular folks got symbolism. We offer substance for all. And critically, we must show that we hear those who feel forgotten – including those in demographics that haven’t traditionally voted for progressives. We extend a hand to the dignity of every person’s experience. That means a coal miner in West Virginia has a place in our vision just as much as a single mom in Detroit or a Dreamer in Arizona. Different lives, same respect, under the same flag.
Let’s remember, majorities make history. FDR’s New Deal coalition united urban immigrants with Southern farmers. The Civil Rights Act passed with a coalition of Northern Democrats and Republicans. Major societal change has always required reaching beyond one’s base. If we want to raise the minimum wage, tackle climate change, or pass any big reforms in 2028, we’ll need broad support to overcome filibusters, court challenges, and more. So let’s start building that now – by practicing an inclusive politics of “e pluribus unum” (out of many, one). As idealistic as it sounds, it is also utterly practical. We simply can’t succeed any other way.
It’s not enough to have the right ideas or even the right message – we need the right organization and strategy to prevail. One lesson we should take from the conservative resurgence of the past decades (including Trump’s rise) is that infrastructure wins elections, not just inspiration. The Heritage Foundation and others have spent years methodically training cadres, drafting policy playbooks (like the extensive Project 2025 blueprint aiming to remake government), and pumping messages through aligned media. By contrast, Democrats too often start from scratch each campaign cycle, reinventing the wheel and dissipating energy afterward. Action 2028 must break that cycle by building a permanent movement infrastructure – a “Strategy Office for Democracy” that gets to work now (in 2025) and doesn’t disband the day after the election.
What would this look like? It’s a blend of grassroots energy and professional expertise, fused into a nimble organization that can drive change locally and nationally. I propose the creation of an Action 2028 Strategy Council that immediately focuses on the 2026 midterms and 2028 presidential and congressional elections. This council would coordinate closely with the Democratic Party but also remain a citizen-led effort (drawing in independents, disaffected moderate Republicans, and progressive activists alike – anyone committed to beating back authoritarianism and renewing America). Its tasks would include:
Establish Action 2028 chapters in communities across all 50 states. These hubs will hold town halls, recruit volunteers, register new voters, and keep neighbors engaged on issues between elections. They’ll function like the old civic clubs or union halls – a place where folks come together to solve problems and advocate, whether it’s stopping a library closure or supporting a strike or improving a school board. We envision thousands of local leaders rising through these hubs, trained in community organizing and public service.
Much as Heritage has its “Mandate for Leadership,” we will convene policy experts, academics, and practitioners to craft a bold 2028 Progressive Platform by mid-2026. This “shadow cabinet” will prepare detailed, ready-to-implement plans on everything from climate jobs to healthcare expansion to AI governance. When we win, we won’t waste time figuring out what to do – we’ll have the legislative text and executive action plans in hand. And leading up to the election, we’ll communicate these clearly so voters know exactly what they’re voting for (a sharp contrast to Trump’s content-free campaigning).
We will invest in year-round communications – newsletters, social media, local radio spots, podcasts, you name it – to tell the story of our movement and counter right-wing disinformation. No more ceding talk radio in the heartland to conspiracy theories without response; no more ignoring attacks until they metastasize. A dedicated “Truth Team” will work to fact-check lies (e.g., debunking whatever culture war panic arises) and spread our positive vision. This includes uplifting local voices that people trust – teachers, veterans, faith leaders – who can speak to neighbors about why these elections matter.
It’s not just about the presidency. We need to win Congress, governorships, state legislatures, school boards – everything. Action 2028 will scout and train a diverse slate of candidates who share our values and can win in their districts. We’ll have someone ready to challenge every vulnerable Trumpist incumbent in Congress in 2026 and 2028, armed with support and resources. We’ll encourage young people and outsiders to run – imagine a wave of candidates in their 20s and 30s, with fresh energy, running on this platform of renewal. We’ll pair them with experienced mentors and connect them to our messaging and policy arms so they run savvy campaigns. The goal: by 2028, not only to win the White House but to have solid majorities in the House and Senate, and gains down-ballot, so we can actually enact the agenda.
We must assume the fight will get ugly. Thus, our movement needs a legal and voter protection team on standby. If there are attempts to suppress votes or subvert election results (sadly not unthinkable after 2020 and January 6, 2021), we will be ready to flood the zone with lawyers, file injunctions, mobilize peaceful protests, and make sure every vote is counted. Part of this is working now to shore up election systems – pushing for paper backups, nonpartisan poll workers, and fair recount procedures in key states. We can’t wait until late 2028 to react; we act preemptively to “fortify” democracy (in the legitimate sense) against anti-democratic schemes.
All of this requires money, time, and commitment, but we have those resources if we harness them. Progressive donors should see this not as a one-off campaign expenditure but as an investment in the infrastructure of democracy itself. The good news: much of the grassroots is already awake. Since 2016 we’ve seen millions march, volunteer, and donate in record numbers. Think of the Women’s March, March for Our Lives, Black Lives Matter rallies, the Indivisible groups that sprouted to pressure Congress, the Georgia voter drives that flipped the Senate in 2020 – the passion is there. Action 2028 seeks to connect these dots, avoid siloed efforts, and keep the momentum going with focus.
This infrastructure isn’t just about defeating Trumpism – it’s about governing after Trumpism. We must prepare the soil for a renaissance of civic duty and problem-solving. When we take back Congress and the White House, we’ll immediately face tasks of rebuilding institutions Trump has gutted or politicized. Having our talent pool and plans ready means a faster turnaround from campaigning to implementing. Imagine a transition in 2028 where, on day one, a new president can call on an “Action 2028 Administration Plan” that identifies the top 100 executive actions to restore ethics, climate protections and justice for all.
By 2026, we need to at least retake one house of Congress to check Trump’s worst instincts if he’s president (or to advance Biden’s agenda if not). And 2028 looms as potentially decisive: it could either be a reaffirmation of Trumpism or the moment we turn the page for good. Thus, the next 18-24 months are critical. We can’t procrastinate. The train of right-wing authoritarian planning is already moving (we see it in efforts like Project 2025’s goal to purge the civil service and concentrate power). We must lay our tracks swiftly, in parallel, so that by the time 2028 arrives, we are not only matching their preparation but exceeding it with a better, more popular vision.
To any skeptic who says “this sounds like overkill” – just look at recent history. The conservative movement spent 40+ years (think tanks, judges, media) to get to Trump and the current Supreme Court. We don’t have 40 years; we have maybe 4 to 6 to avert lasting damage. So we need an accelerated, all-hands-on-deck mobilization. It’s indeed ambitious – but Americans are capable of amazing feats under pressure. Recall the mobilization for World War II, or the space race after Sputnik. When truly galvanized, we built arsenals and sent a man to the moon in a decade. Surely, saving our democracy and renewing our nation’s promise is a mission grand enough to stir that level of commitment.
Let’s speak plainly about the stark choice likely before us: Donald Trump, representing the politics of grievance and decline, versus the next generation of American leadership, representing the politics of hope and renewal. Trump will be 82 in 2028 – the same age President Biden is now. For years, Trump’s supporters and Trump himself gleefully attacked Biden’s age and acuity. But look at Trump today: a man who often seems trapped in the past, obsessing over his 2020 loss, recycling the same catchphrases, nursing the same personal feuds. His energy is not what it was in 2016; those close to him report a narrowing circle of loyalists and an ever-deepening paranoia about “enemies.” This is not to mock his age, but to highlight that Trumpism has no future plan – it is a backward-looking project, led by an aging showman whose best idea of “greatness” is restoring an imagined version of yesterday.
Even setting aside policy, consider the basic competence of leadership. In Trump’s first term, the turnover of top aides reached an eye-popping 92% – an unprecedented carousel of firings and resignations that left key agencies rudderless. The phrase “administrative chaos” defined those years. Is there any reason to think a second Trump term would be more stable or effective? If anything, freed from re-election concerns, he’d likely be even more erratic. The best and brightest largely won’t work for him (we saw many tried-and-true public servants either quit or get ousted for disagreeing with him). So he’d scrape the bottom of the barrel for yes-men and conspiracy theorists to staff the government – a frightening prospect when you consider these people would be running our pandemic responses, disaster relief, foreign policy crises, and economic management. Trump’s leadership style – impulsive, vindictive, attention-deficient – is fundamentally incompatible with the demands of the 21st century.
Now contrast that with the kind of leadership Action 2028 offers: forward-looking, empathetic, coalition-building, and intellectually curious. It is younger, yes – not in a discriminatory sense, but in the sense of being attuned to the world of today and tomorrow. We look at a problem like climate change and see an opportunity to innovate and create jobs; Trump looks at it and says “hoax.” We look at America’s diversifying populace and see strength; Trump sees threat. We look at emerging technologies and seek to harness them responsibly; Trump either ignores them or toys with them for spectacle (as discussed with AI). The difference is night and day.
Ask yourself: what is Trump’s vision for America in 2030? What does he want the country to look like? We know what he wants for himself – adulation, power, and possibly a permanent shield against prosecution. But for the average American in 2030, what is his plan? It’s hard to articulate because he hasn’t. His campaign rhetoric is all about settling scores (with political enemies, the “Deep State,” even disloyal Republicans) rather than settling the foundation for the future. When he does mention policy, it’s often a rehash or something disturbingly autocratic (like envisioning deploying the military internally against crime or unrest, or using the Justice Department to persecute opponents). There is no constructive agenda – no infrastructure decade, no healthcare expansion, no education renaissance. In Trump’s own words, “I alone can fix it” became “I alone am it” – meaning he is the agenda. That is a personality cult, not a platform for governance.
Action 2028, on the other hand, stands for clear, concrete goals for 2030 and beyond: a carbon-neutral economy powering middle-class jobs; a healthcare system that finally covers everyone affordably; a revitalization of American manufacturing through clean energy and supply chain resilience; an immigration system that is both orderly and humane; an AI-augmented economy where workers share the gains; a nation investing in its children through preschool for all and debt-free college options; and a democracy bolstered by voting rights and reform of institutions (like term limits for Supreme Court justices or ending dark money in politics). You may agree or disagree with each plank, but you will know what we intend to do. And we will have leaders capable of explaining it, implementing it, and adjusting as needed.
Good leadership requires the ability to understand and feel for people from different walks of life. Think of leaders like Abraham Lincoln or FDR – they carried the sorrows and hopes of the nation on their shoulders empathetically. Trump struggles mightily in this department. His responses to natural disasters or tragedies often center on himself (“what a crowd came to see me,” or throwing paper towels after a hurricane). During COVID, when a compassionate unifier was needed, Trump gave us confusion and self-congratulation, with little empathy for victims. America needs leaders who actually like the people they serve, who don’t view them simply as applause machines or voting blocs. One secret of President Biden’s appeal in 2020 was his obvious empathy, born of personal tragedy and decency. Action 2028 will elevate leaders who share that quality – who find purpose in serving others, not themselves.
The presidency, indeed any leadership role, is more than a checklist of policies; it’s also about embodying the nation’s values and aspirations. Donald Trump, with his incessant need for adoration and his aversion to accountability, does not embody the best of America – he reflects its anxieties and worst instincts. The Action 2028 movement intends to put forward leadership that reflects America’s highest ideals: humility in the face of duty, strength tempered by compassion, confidence without arrogance. Our leaders will remind people that public service is a noble calling. We want to make kindness, integrity, and intellectual honesty cool again, frankly. And we believe the American people are yearning for that. One can only swim in cynicism for so long before craving clear water.
We must make sure every American understands the stakes in terms of leadership: a choice between a tired rerun of a reality show that’s sliding toward disaster, and a new chapter of American leadership ready to meet the moment. When given that clear contrast, I have faith that the majority will choose renewal. But we have to make the case unabashedly and relentlessly.
Breaking the Cycle of Hate and Division
Even the best leaders and policies will falter if our nation remains trapped in a cycle of tribal hatred and division. One of the most corrosive legacies of the Trump era (though it did not begin with him) is the normalization of contempt between Americans. Families have been torn asunder over politics; friendships ended; Thanksgiving dinners made impossibly tense. Hyper-partisanship has escalated to the point where in one poll, roughly 1 in 5 Democrats and Republicans said they believe violence could be at least somewhat justified to advance their political goals – a terrifying statistic. This is not normal, and it’s not sustainable. We cannot accept a permanent cold civil war as the new status quo.
Action 2028 must be not only a campaign, but a reconciliation project. We have to proactively work to heal social trust. That means encouraging dialogue, modeling respect, and structurally incentivizing cooperation over conflict. It might sound lofty, but there are concrete steps to take:
We should create programs that bring people of different backgrounds together for common causes. Imagine a “Climate Corps” or “AmeriCorps expansion” where young Americans from red states and blue states do service projects in each other’s communities – planting trees, building housing, assisting after disasters. When you work alongside someone on a tangible goal, it’s harder to demonize them. The federal government (or state governments) could invest in such exchange programs massively. This is a renewal of the spirit of the Civilian Conservation Corps but for the social fabric.
Schools need to return civic education to the forefront, and not just as dry facts about the Constitution, but as training in civil discourse and critical thinking. If our next generation can debate issues respectfully and spot misinformation, we inoculate our democracy against demagogues. Some states are already mandating civics; let’s push for a national initiative that funds innovative civics and media literacy classes. Young people can learn to respectfully disagree – something many adults seem to have forgotten.
Part of why division is so sharp is that our political system rewards extremism. Gerrymandered districts and closed primaries mean politicians fear their base more than the general electorate, driving them to cater to the fringes. We should advocate for reforms like independent redistricting commissions, open primaries or ranked-choice voting, and campaign finance rules that diminish the influence of polarizing forces. These systemic tweaks can encourage candidates to appeal to a broader middle rather than just stoking their slice of the base.
We must publicly celebrate instances of bipartisan cooperation and ethical leadership, even when it comes from the other side. When a Republican lawmaker reaches across the aisle to pass needed legislation, we should thank them, not immediately launch an attack ad for not going far enough. When communities find healing (for instance, a city that holds a joint vigil after a hate crime, uniting different groups), we amplify those stories. Americans actually agree on a surprising amount – according to a study by More in Common, issues like affordable healthcare, infrastructure, and even many gun reforms have broad support cutting across party lines. Let’s highlight those agreements. We have to retrain our national conversation to recognize progress and commonality, not just conflict.
To break the hate cycle, we also have to correctly identify where the real dangers lie. Not every Republican voter is an extremist, nor is every Democrat. The extremes – those who embrace violence or explicit bigotry – should indeed be isolated and condemned. But our rhetoric towards the vast majority who simply disagree on policy should be one of engagement, not enmity.
That means no more blanket smears. Trump liked to call all Democrats “evil” or “radical left maniacs,” and some on the left have painted all Trump voters as racist deplorables. Both approaches are wrong and destructive. We can condemn Trump, or a Congresswoman’s hateful tweet, or a specific policy, without dumping on the voters as a whole. Many Americans felt forced into tribal camps these past years. We must offer a way out: it’s okay to come back together. We’ll welcome it.
After periods of turmoil, countries sometimes have truth and reconciliation commissions. Without going too far down that path, there might be merit in at least a historical accounting of recent political violence (for example, a bipartisan commission in each state to hold hearings where people can speak to how political division has hurt their lives, perhaps culminating in recommendations for community healing). Sounds a bit kumbaya, but even the act of listening can be powerful. On a smaller scale, organizations already do “red-blue workshops” to foster understanding. We should promote and fund these.
The bottom line is we must re-learn how to be compatriots, not enemies. E pluribus unum, out of many one, as on the Great Seal of the United States. That doesn’t mean erasing differences; it means managing them under a shared roof. We have done it before. Think of the World War II generation – conservatives and liberals, religious and secular, all had to band together to defeat fascism abroad and then came home and, despite McCarthyist ugliness and other tensions, still managed to build a functioning society. Or even look at Congress in the not-so-distant past: liberal Ted Kennedy and conservative Orrin Hatch worked together to pass children’s health insurance; Republican John McCain and Democrat Russ Feingold teamed up on campaign finance reform. These partnerships were possible because the individuals didn’t view the other as a mortal foe.
Right now, too many in politics have incentives to keep us at each other’s throats. Outrage is click-worthy and profitable. But the fatigue is setting in among citizens. A Pew survey found 65% of Americans say they feel exhausted when thinking about politics. People are tired of the chaos and division. This gives us an opening: a message of unity and civility might not have worked in the heat of 2020’s polarization, but by 2025 and beyond, Americans are hungry for calm and cooperation. Action 2028 will be the movement that says: We can disagree without hate. We can debate fiercely and then shake hands. We will lead by example, insisting on a higher standard in our own rhetoric (no personal insults, no demonization), and calling out those in our coalition who stray from that path.
One might ask, what about Trump’s hate and division? How do we address it if he thrives on it? The answer is that we defeat it by denying it oxygen. We rebut lies with truth, yes, but we don’t get into a mud fight on his terms. Every time he tries to pull the discourse down to nasty name-calling or culture war bait, we respond by refocusing on issues that improve lives, and by speaking to shared values. When he says something racist or inflammatory, we condemn the statement – but then pivot to how all Americans deserve better jobs/safer streets, etc. It’s like Aikido: use the energy of his attacks to show the contrast. If he insults immigrants, we talk about the immigrant nurse saving lives in the ER and how our plan helps all working families. If he attacks a Democrat for being “weak,” we talk about the strength it takes to work two jobs and how our policy will ease that burden. We don’t take the bait to engage in a food fight at his level. In time, that strategy will isolate him on an island of venom of his own making, while the rest of the country moves on.
Renewing the American Spirit: Purpose, Service, and Shared Prosperity
At its heart, Action 2028 is about renewing a sense of hope and ownership in the American experiment for every citizen. For too long, many have felt like passengers on a train going the wrong way – alienated, powerless, tempted to disengage or to burn it all down. We are here to say: No matter who you are, you are not just a passenger; you are a co-engineer of America’s future. We need your hands on the controls, your ideas in the mix, your sweat and tears in the making of a better nation. Because democracy is not a spectator sport, and citizenship is more than just paying taxes and voting once in a while – it’s the collective project of building a society.
Let’s talk about purpose. Humans need it. A big part of the disorientation we discussed earlier is that many people don’t feel needed or valued by their country. Consumer culture tells us our purpose is to buy things, climb the career ladder, and show off success. But that’s empty if it’s not tied to a greater good. The Greatest Generation had the Depression and WWII to bond them; the Boomers had the space race and the civil rights movement. What do we have today? We often rally in crisis (9/11 or a natural disaster), but in ordinary times we lack a positive common mission. Action 2028 believes we must create that sense of mission anew.
One way is through the national service programs mentioned – not only do they heal division, they give individuals purpose. We’d aim to make a service year a common option (not mandatory, but encouraged with strong incentives like tuition assistance or loan forgiveness). Whether it’s teaching, building homes, tech work for rural broadband, or military service, giving young people (and even mid-career folks looking for meaning) a chance to contribute knits purpose into the fabric of daily life.
Another dimension is reframing how we think about contributions to society. Raising a child, volunteering at a soup kitchen, caring for an elderly parent – these are immense contributions that GDP doesn’t measure and society undervalues. Our policies (from child tax credits to caregiver support) will put real weight behind honoring those roles. We want every American to feel that whatever role they play, if they are improving their family or community, they are patriots and nation-builders. Patriotism is not just military service or waving a flag – it’s also mentoring a kid or inventing a new app that helps people or tending a public garden. We’ll use the bully pulpit to expand the narrative of what “serving your country” means. And we’ll celebrate it accordingly.
Taxation and investment is another area where we need a mindset shift. For decades, anti-government rhetoric turned taxes into a bogeyman – just something taken from you. No one likes paying taxes, but we’ve lost sight of why we pay them in a democracy. They are our mutual fund – our way to pool resources to do big things we can’t do alone. We need to rekindle a sense of pride (or at least acceptance) in funding the public good. Action 2028 leaders will speak about taxes in this way: when the wealthy pay their fair share, we can build that new highway, cure that disease, pay that teacher. It’s not “taking your money,” it’s investing your money in our collective future. We’ll be transparent and accountable with budgets to rebuild trust – you should see where your dollars go and hold us to account if they’re wasted. We especially will ensure corporations, many of which have had record profits while sometimes paying zero federal tax, contribute properly. It is simply unacceptable that in some years, major companies making billions pay less in tax than a grocery clerk. We will close loopholes and demand responsibility.
During the pandemic recovery, corporate profits skyrocketed to their highest share of the economy in decades (some analyses say since the 1940, even as inflation hit families hard. CEOs gave themselves huge raises (CEO pay jumped ~19% in 2021), while workers’ real wages often fell. This is not to villainize all corporations, but to show a skewed balance. When companies benefit from society – from educated workers, infrastructure, stability provided by our military and courts – they owe something back. It’s not radical socialism; it’s basic fairness to ask them to chip in for the system that enabled their success. Our movement will challenge corporate America to a new compact: if we invest in you (via R&D, bailouts when needed, etc.), you invest in America – through fair taxes, fair wages, and treating employees as assets to develop, not costs to cut.
We also need to encourage philanthropy and private initiative to supplement what government does, but ultimately certain things (like infrastructure, defense, universal education) only government can effectively guarantee. So yes, we will likely raise some taxes on the very wealthy and big corporations, but we’ll do it with a clear purpose and tangible results that people can see (like modern roads, broadband, and healthcare). Over time, when people see those results, trust can be rebuilt. It’s a virtuous cycle: responsible governance -> improved lives -> willingness to invest more in the common good -> further improvement.
Beyond economics, renewing spirit is cultural. We need to tell a new American story that people can buy into. One that acknowledges our past mistakes but focuses on our capacity to learn and do better. We’ll emphasize what an adventure it is to be part of this nation – how each of us, by engaging, writes the next chapter of an ongoing epic that began in 1776 with that radical idea that people can govern themselves. It might sound airy, but narrative matters. Trump’s narrative was “American carnage” – a nation on the brink of collapse until he alone could save it. Our narrative must be “American renewal” – a nation that has stumbled but has an unrivaled capacity for self-correction and greatness through unity.
Every person needs to feel they have a stake and a role. For example, tackling climate change: instead of doom and guilt, we can frame it as “the next great American project” – as exciting as the Apollo program, and you can be a part of it (as a worker installing solar panels, as a farmer practicing sustainable methods, as a driver of an electric car helping cut pollution, etc.). If someone’s currently working in oil and gas, we say: we honor the work you did powering America; now we’re going to invest in you to pivot those skills to geothermal or carbon capture – come be a hero of the clean energy future rather than painting them as villains. See the difference in approach? It’s inclusive and purpose-driven.
Finally, hope. We often throw that word around, but hope is a muscle that needs exercise. The opposite – despair – has gained too much ground (hence those “deaths of despair” we cited). To reinvigorate hope, we must deliver early wins that show positive change is possible. Maybe it’s as simple as cleaning up a blighted park or re-opening a shuttered factory with new investment. When people see something improve in their community, hope grows a bit. At the national level, passing a popular bill (like infrastructure or veterans’ benefits) with fanfare and showing jobs being created also builds hope. It’s important to highlight progress, not just problems. The media environment is so negative that many folks don’t even hear about good news. Action 2028 will continuously communicate the wins – not to brag, but to remind people: our efforts together yield results.
Hope also comes from belonging. Loneliness and social isolation are rampant in modern society. Part of our movement’s task is almost neighborly – to foster connections. The local hubs we spoke about aren’t only political; they’re community. They might host a potluck, organize a cultural festival, or start a book club. Little things, but they weave a fabric of belonging. When people have a network of care and feel seen, hope tends to blossom because they aren’t facing life alone.
Action 2028 is about restoring the idea that America is ours – all of us – and that our destiny is in our hands. We reject cynicism that says individuals can’t make a difference or that the system is too rigged to bother trying. Instead, we channel the spirit of every great American awakening: a refusal to accept that yesterday’s reality must be tomorrow’s. We insist that tomorrow can be better if we make it so.
Finally, imagine our journey ahead as a long road stretching toward a rising sun on the horizon. The pavement may be cracked in places (we’ve been through some tough times), but the way forward is open, and the light of a new dawn beckons in the distance. That is where Action 2028 is headed – toward the sunrise of a revitalized America, united and strong. Each of us has a role in paving that road and steering our nation along it.
This is the time to get involved. Right now. All aboard. If you’ve read this far, you already sense the urgency and possibility of the moment. America stands at a precipice – or perhaps more accurately, at a fork in the tracks. Down one path, the train hurtles toward greater division, authoritarianism, and decline – “trolling,” lurching unpredictably as it has in the Trump years, a vehicle of chaos. Down another path, the train switches onto a track of renewal – guided by fairness, wisdom, and the collective consent of we the people. We have to be the switch operators. We have to jump aboard and lay down the tracks to that better destination, because the train won’t steer itself.
This is not a drill. The challenges we face – from the climate crisis to AI disruption of jobs to the fraying of democracy worldwide – are existential. We don’t get endless chances to get this right. The 2026 midterms and 2028 election may be our last, best opportunity to course-correct before damage becomes irreversible. Four more years of Trump (or a Trump-like successor) unchecked could mean a Supreme Court entrenched in extremism for a generation, a planet cooked beyond return, an economy where oligarchs completely capture government, and a democracy in name only. That is not hyperbole; it is the explicit agenda of some in Trump’s circle to permanently entrench minority rule and roll back the progress of the last century. We either rise now to stop it, or we risk handing our children a country diminished and disillusioned.
But fear is not our main motivator – hope is. We are animated by the vision of what America can be in 2028: imagine an America where voting is easy and accessible to all, where elections are holidays rather than nightmares of litigation; an America leading the world in clean energy jobs, having cut unemployment and emissions together; an America where the middle class is growing again, wages rising, and billionaires and big corporations pay their fair share cheerfully because they too believe in this country; an America where kids learn both pride in our nation’s ideals and honesty about our past, and go to college or vocational training without incurring crippling debt; an America where differences in race, religion, or background are sources of curiosity and exchange, not fear – because we’ve rebuilt trust by actually solving problems together. This may sound idealistic, but these outcomes are entirely within our reach if we have the political will. Other countries have tackled some of these issues; we can too, in our own American way.
It starts with you and me. No savior is coming to do it for us – that is one of the key lessons of the past years. We are the leaders we’ve been waiting for. Action 2028 is not about one candidate or one politician (though we’ll back the best ones); it’s about an engaged citizenry taking charge. Volunteer in your community, have conversations with those apolitical or opposite-leaning friends (you might be surprised how many core values you share), join your local Action 2028 (or similar) chapter or start one if it doesn’t exist. Support organizations fighting for voting rights, climate action, racial justice, and hold us (the movement leaders) accountable to practice what we preach about inclusion and fairness. This movement’s credibility will come from being of the people, not a consultant-driven top-down operation. So we need your voice and perspective within it.
To the disillusioned progressive who thought change was impossible – give it one more try, because the strategy we lay out learns from past failures. To the moderate who fears the left has gone too far – join us, because we are planting our flag in the center of people’s real lives, not ideological extremes. To the conservative horrified by Trump’s assault on decency – stand with us for country over party; you are welcome in this coalition, and your insights on freedom and responsibility will be respected. To the young person anxious about inheriting a broken world – this is your fight most of all; we are building this platform so you can live your dreams, not inherit our nightmares. And to those who have benefited from the status quo – even you will find that a more equitable, less hate-filled America is a more prosperous and joyful place for everyone to live and do business.
In closing, recall the famous words often attributed to Winston Churchill (who said many clever things): “Americans will always do the right thing – after exhausting all the alternatives.” Well, we have just about exhausted the alternatives. We tried apathy; it gave us the erosion of our democracy. We tried blind faith in trickle-down economics; it gave us plutocracy and inequality. We tried the strongman fix; it gave us turmoil and shame. It’s time to do the right thing: come together, in all our imperfect diversity, and reclaim government of, by, and for the people.
We have to envision a hopeful vision and a plan to get there. It is rooted in America’s deepest values and bold in addressing America’s toughest challenges. It does not promise a utopia – only a republic that lives up to its promises a bit more with each passing year. It’s a call to finish the unfinished work of generations before us and to begin the great tasks that new times demand.
The train of history is moving. Let’s hop on board, fix its course, and speed it up – full steam ahead to a more perfect union. Each of us has a ticket to ride, if we choose to use it. The destination is within sight: a just, prosperous, and united America.
All aboard for Action 2028. The future will thank us.